Experiences of discrimination in daily life among Chinese people in Canada, and their perceptions of and experiences with the police and the justice system

Multiculturalism is an integral part of Canada’s identity and reputation. It is outlined by law, with the Canadian Multiculturalism Act (1985), which recognizes the racial and cultural diversity of Canadians, and that this diversity is a fundamental characteristic of Canadian society. The Canadian Human Rights Commission defines discrimination as “an action or decision that treats a person or a group badly for reasons such as their race, age or disability” (Canadian Human Rights Commission, 2021).^Note  Such behaviours are prohibited under the Canadian Human Rights Act (1985), while the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (1982) states that everyone is equal and treated equally under the law.

Individuals in Canada may nevertheless experience differential treatment on the basis of race, national or ethnic origin, or skin colour, which affects not only individuals at a personal level, but also at a community or societal level. The Asian population is one such group, which has been and continues to be subjected to overt and subtle forms of prejudice, discrimination and racism (Canadian Heritage, 2023). “Yellow peril” ideology considered individuals from Asian countries and those of Asian descent as a threat to western society (Chakraborty, 2022; Chen & Wu, 2021; Kim & Shang, 2022; Lo et al., 2022; Walton & Truong, 2023; Wu & Nguyen, 2022). In Canada, longstanding and widespread anti-Chinese racism culminated in exclusionary immigration policies. In fact, 2023 marks 100 years since the enactment of the Chinese Immigration Act of 1923—commonly known as the “Chinese Exclusion Act”—which effectively banned Chinese immigrants from entering Canada (Government of Canada, 2023a; Government of Canada, 2023b; Government of Canada, 2023c). This legislation separated and impoverished families and communities, while reinforcing prejudice against the Chinese population. In 1947, the Act was repealed.

This Juristat article examines the experiences of discrimination in daily life among Chinese people living in Canada, in addition to their perspectives of and experiences with the police and the justice system. According to the 2021 Census of Population, 1,713,870 people living in Canada identify as Chinese, accounting for 4.7% of the overall population (Statistics Canada, 2022d). This proportion varied across the provinces and territories, with the largest Chinese populations in British Columbia and Ontario (representing 11% and 5.9% of the overall population in each province, respectively).^Note  Chinese people are among the largest of the racialized groups in Canada, second only to those who are South Asian (Statistics Canada, 2022, October 26). According to population projections, it is estimated that the Chinese population in Canada could surpass 3 million by 2040 (Statistics Canada, 2022b).^Note 

Findings from multiple data sources are detailed in this article.^Note  Information related to experiences of discrimination in daily life are captured by the 2019 General Social Survey (GSS) on Canadians’ Safety (Victimization), as are perceptions of the police and the justice system. Next, results from the 2020 GSS on Social Identity are included to highlight levels of confidence in Canadian institutions beyond the justice system. Finally, experiences with the police and the justice system are captured by the GSS on Victimization, while findings from the 2021 Canadian Legal Problems Survey (CLPS) are presented to highlight experiences with serious problems or disputes, the actions taken to deal with such situations and the resulting impacts on individuals. For this analysis, Chinese people include those who self-identified as Chinese when responding to each respective survey. Throughout the article,^Note  the experiences and perceptions of Chinese people are compared to those of individuals from other racialized populations^Note  and those from the non-racialized population.^Note 

While the experiences and perspectives of Chinese people living in Canada are grouped for analysis, it is important to note that the Chinese population is diverse and includes individuals with varying backgrounds, circumstances and lived experiences. The same is true for other racialized populations and the non-racialized population, the comparison groups in this article. It should also be noted that the GSS findings in this article generally predate the COVID-19 pandemic.^Note  As such, recent experiences and perceptions may have shifted. This is especially true for the Chinese population in Canada, which was targeted during the pandemic (for more information, see Text box 2).

This Juristat article was produced with funding support from Justice Canada. Further, it reflects Statistics Canada’s ongoing commitment to publishing detailed data, as part of the Disaggregated Data Action Plan (Statistics Canada, 2023a). This article follows others which examined the experiences and perceptions of the Black and Indigenous (First Nations, Métis and Inuit) populations in Canada (for more information, see Cotter, 2022a and Cotter, 2022b).

Section 1: Experiences of discrimination

Three in ten Chinese people experienced discrimination in the five years preceding the 2019 General Social Survey on Canadians’ Safety (Victimization)

In the five years preceding the 2019 GSS on Victimization, one in five (20%) people aged 15 and older experienced discrimination or unfair treatment in their daily lives (see Text box 1). This proportion was notably higher among Chinese people, with three in ten (29%) individuals experiencing discrimination (Table 1).^Note  While this was similar to other racialized populations (29%), it was nearly double that of the non-racialized population (16%).^Note 

Among those who are Chinese, similar proportions of women (29%) and men (30%) experienced discrimination. While the difference in the proportion of Chinese women and other racialized women who experienced discrimination was not significant, the difference among men was significant (30% of Chinese men versus 25% of other racialized men). Regardless of gender, it was more common for Chinese people to experience discrimination than those from the non-racialized population (29% versus 20% of women and 30% versus 13% of men, respectively).

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Chinese people most commonly experience discrimination in a store, bank or restaurant

Of the Chinese people who experienced discrimination in the past five years, the largest proportion said it took place in a store, bank or restaurant (45%^E) (Table 2).^Note  This was followed by those who said they were discriminated against when at work or when applying for a job or promotion (27%^E), when attending school or classes (22%^E), when crossing the border into Canada (6.7%^E) and when dealing with the police or the courts (4.7%^E).

It was more common for Chinese people than those from the non-racialized population to say they were discriminated against when in a store, bank or restaurant (45%^E versus 28%) and when crossing the border into Canada (6.7%^E versus 2.0%), while discrimination when dealing with the police or the courts was less common among Chinese people than other racialized populations (4.7%^E versus 11%). Chinese people less often said they experienced discrimination at work or when applying for a job or promotion (27%^E) than those from other racialized populations (51%) and the non-racialized population (45%). The relatively lower proportion of Chinese people who experienced discrimination in the context of work may be associated with the model minority myth, which often positions those who are Asian as highly intelligent, well-educated and hardworking, usually in contrast to stereotypes about other racialized groups (Chakraborty, 2022; Chen & Wu, 2021; Kim & Shang, 2022; Lo et al., 2022; Thompson et al., 2016; Walton & Truong, 2023; Wu & Nguyen, 2022). Broad stereotypes of any kind—whether negative or more “positive” in nature—can be detrimental and place undue burden on individuals as they go about daily life.

When it came to the reasons for discrimination, Chinese people most often experienced discrimination on the basis of race or skin colour (22%), ethnicity or culture (17%) and language (11%) (Chart 1; Table 2). These were followed by physical appearance (5.1%), sex (4.3%), age (3.7%) and gender identity or expression (1.4%). A small proportion (2.5%) of Chinese people experienced discrimination on the basis of some other reason, including religion, sexual orientation and physical or mental disability.^Note 

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Comparing Chinese people and other racialized populations, there were generally no significant differences in the reported reasons for discrimination. The higher prevalence of discrimination experienced by Chinese people compared to the non-racialized population, however, was driven by a few reasons. The proportion of Chinese people who experienced discrimination on the basis of race or skin colour (22%), ethnicity or culture (17%) and language (11%) was higher than the non-racialized population that reported the same reasons (2.8%, 2.3% and 2.1%, respectively). Meanwhile, a smaller proportion of Chinese people were discriminated against on the basis of some other reason^Note  compared to other racialized populations and the non-racialized population.

The GSS on Victimization asked respondents who were discriminated against to list all the reasons they considered to be the basis for their experiences. Of those who experienced discrimination in the past five years, discrimination on the basis of multiple reasons was more common among Chinese people than the non-racialized population (64%^E versus 45%), while there were no significant differences for single or multiple reasons when comparing Chinese people who had experienced discrimination and those from other racialized populations (Table 2). When race or skin colour and ethnicity or culture were combined into a single category, however, Chinese people less often experienced discrimination on the basis of multiple reasons than other racialized populations (47%^E versus 61%).^Note 

Experiences of discrimination more common among Chinese people with a disability than those with no disability

According to the GSS on Victimization, there was little difference in the proportion of Chinese people that experienced discrimination, when considering selected characteristics like gender, age group and immigrant status. For instance, in terms of age, there was no significant difference in the proportion of those aged 15 to 44 who experienced discrimination compared to those aged 45 and older (Table 1). That said, while three in ten (29%) Chinese people experienced discrimination in the past five years, a much smaller proportion of those aged 65 and older reported the same experience (11%^E).

Among those who are Chinese, there was also no significant difference in the proportion of immigrants and those born in Canada that experienced discrimination, and this was similar for the non-racialized population.^Note  In contrast, among other racialized populations, experiences of discrimination were less common among immigrants than those born in Canada (25% versus 41%).

The presence of a physical or mental disability^Note  did make a significant difference in the proportion that experienced discrimination. Among Chinese people, experiences of discrimination were more common among those with a disability than those with no disability (47%^E versus 23%).^Note  This was similar for other groups, with experiences of discrimination more common among those with a disability from other racialized populations (44% versus 24% of those with no disability) and the non-racialized population (24% versus 12% of those with no disability).

Of the selected characteristics that were analyzed, there was no significant difference when comparing the proportion of Chinese people and those from other racialized populations that experienced discrimination. Meanwhile, a larger proportion of Chinese people experienced discrimination than those from the non-racialized population, regardless of selected characteristic.

The proportion of Chinese people who experienced discrimination nearly doubled between 2014 and 2019

The 2014 GSS on Victimization also included questions on experiences of discrimination, allowing for a comparison over time.^Note  The overall proportion of people who were discriminated against in the preceding five years was higher in 2019 (20%) than 2014 (13%).^Note  Of note, among Chinese people, the proportion nearly doubled, going from 16% in 2014 to 29% in 2019 (Table 3). Increases were also noted among other racialized populations (21% in 2014 versus 29% in 2019) and the non-racialized population (12% versus 16%), although the rise was more pronounced among those who are Chinese.^Note  The increase in the proportion of people that experience discrimination could represent an increase in incidents of discrimination, but it could also be reflective of a growing awareness and acknowledgement of inappropriate and offensive behaviours in society.

The increase in discrimination experienced by Chinese people between 2014 and 2019 was largely driven by increases in discrimination on the basis of race or skin colour (from 7.3% to 22%) and ethnicity or culture (from 8.3% to 17%) (Chart 2). Discrimination on the basis of language also increased, although to a lesser extent (from 7.1% to 11%).

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Section 2: Perceptions of the police and the justice system

Large majority of Chinese people confident in the police, but a minority believe local police do a good job on all measures of performance

Measuring public perceptions is important to gauge the relationship between institutions and the individuals they serve. Perceptions have been associated levels of engagement and social cohesion, and they may impact institutional legitimacy (Cao, 2011; Chow, 2012; Jung et al., 2021). In addition to experiences of discrimination, the 2019 GSS on Victimization asked respondents about their confidence in and perceptions of the police. While the large majority (85%) of Chinese people reported a great deal of or some confidence in the police, this was lower than confidence among the non-racialized population (92%; Table 3).^Note  The proportion of Chinese people who reported confidence in the police declined between 2014 and 2019 (92% versus 85%). While the same emerged for other racialized populations, there was no change among the non-racialized population.

When it came to measures of police performance, in 2019, one in three (32%) Chinese people said they thought local police do a good job of being approachable and easy to talk to, the highest proportion for any of the measures included in the survey (Chart 3; Table 4). Less than three in ten Chinese people said the police do a good job of enforcing the laws (29%), treating people fairly (28%), promptly responding to calls (28%), ensuring the safety of citizens (25%) and providing information on crime prevention (22%). Compared to other racialized populations and the non-racialized population, a smaller proportion of Chinese people said they thought the police do a good job for every measure of police performance.

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Among Chinese people, there were some differences when considering gender. Compared to Chinese men, Chinese women less commonly said police do a good job of treating people fairly (33% versus 21%), providing information on crime prevention (26% versus 17%), being approachable and easy to talk to (37% versus 25%) and enforcing the law (33% versus 23%).^Note  In contrast, other research that analyzed perceptions of police among those living in the provinces showed little difference for these measures of police performance when comparing the perspectives of women and men in general (Ibrahim, 2020).

While most Chinese people, and those from other population groups, had an opinion about each measure of performance—that is, whether local police do a good, average or poor job—a notable proportion of the population provided a response of “don’t know” (Table 4). In fact, a larger proportion of Chinese people provided a response of “don’t know” for every measure of police performance compared to the non-racialized population, and for most measures compared to other racialized populations. Such responses likely impacted other results between groups.

Majority of Chinese people confident in criminal courts, while large proportion unsure about performance of criminal courts, prisons and parole system

Similar to overall confidence in police, findings from the 2019 GSS on Victimization show a smaller proportion of Chinese people reported confidence in criminal courts, when compared to the non-racialized population (56% versus 62%; Table 3).^Note  There was, however, a relatively large proportion of Chinese people who reported “don’t know,” which was less common among the non-racialized population (30% versus 15%). The notable proportion of “don’t know” responses could reflect a lack of contact or experience with the criminal court system. The proportion of Chinese people who reported confidence in criminal courts was notably lower in 2019 than 2014 (56% versus 80%), while the proportion of Chinese people who reported “don’t know” increased (30% in 2019 versus 7.1% in 2014). This pattern was similar for other racialized populations and the non-racialized population.

As with questions about perceptions of local police performance, in 2019, Chinese people often reported “don’t know” when it came to perceptions of performance related to specific responsibilities of criminal courts, prisons and the parole system—although to a larger degree. Seven in ten Chinese people reported “don’t know” when asked their perceptions about the performance of prisons supervising and controlling prisoners (70%), prisons helping prisoners become law-abiding citizens (69%), the parole system releasing offenders who are not likely to commit another crime (69%) and the parole system supervising offenders on parole (69%) (Table 5). For every measure of criminal court, prison and parole system performance included in the survey, a larger proportion of those who are Chinese than those who are non-racialized provided a response of “don’t know.”

Nevertheless, some differences did emerge. For most of the measures related to criminal courts, Chinese people had a less favourable perspective than those from other racialized populations. Smaller proportions of Chinese people reported criminal courts do a good job providing justice quickly (11%), helping victims (12%) and ensuring a fair trial for the accused (18%) than those from other racialized populations (18%, 23% and 25%, respectively). In addition, a smaller proportion of Chinese people reported that prisons do a good job of supervising and controlling prisoners (11% versus 16% of other racialized populations). Meanwhile, compared to the non-racialized population, a smaller proportion of Chinese people reported that criminal courts do a good job of determining whether the accused is guilty or not (19% versus 14%) and ensuring a fair trial for the accused (28% versus 18%), and that prisons do a good job of supervising and controlling prisoners (20% versus 11%).

Among Chinese people, there were several differences by age group, but these were likely impacted by the large proportion of those who reported “don’t know” for each measure. Regardless, Chinese people younger than age 40 more often said Canadian criminal courts do a good job of providing justice quickly (15% versus 6.0% of those aged 40 and older), Canadian criminal courts do a good job of ensuring a fair trial for the accused (23% versus 13%), prisons do a good job of supervising and controlling prisoners (16% versus 4.8%), prisons do a good job of helping prisoners become law-abiding citizens (13% versus 3.2%) and the parole system does a good job of releasing offenders who are not likely to commit another crime (12% versus 3.4%).^Note 

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Section 3: Experiences with the police and the justice system

One-quarter of Chinese people came into contact with police in the past 12 months

According to the 2019 GSS on Victimization, one-quarter (25%) of Chinese people came into contact with police in the 12 months preceding the survey (Table 7). Reasons for such contacts included a traffic violation (6.6%), a public information session (6.2%), work or volunteering (6.0%), as a victim of crime (4.5%) and as a witness of crime (2.9%). Of the Chinese people who had a contact with police, three-quarters (75%^E) perceived their experience with the police as positive. This was a smaller proportion compared to those from other racialized populations (87%) and the non-racialized population (89%) who had contact with police. In addition, among Chinese people who had a contact with police, a smaller proportion reported confidence in the police, when compared to those who had no such contact (71%^E versus 90%).^Note 

The GSS on Victimization also asked respondents if they had ever had contact with Canadian criminal courts. Less than one in ten (7.2%) Chinese people had such an experience, less common than other racialized populations (12%) and the non-racialized population (22%).^Note  Results for lifetime contact with criminal courts in Canada are likely impacted by immigration, as immigrants would have spent less time in Canada than the Canadian-born population.

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Around one in six Chinese people experienced serious legal problems or disputes in the past three years

According to the CLPS, around one in six (16%) Chinese people experienced serious legal problems or disputes in the three years preceding the survey (Table 8). Serious problems related to discrimination were most common (experienced by 3.4% of Chinese people), followed by neighbourhood issues^Note  (3.3%), harassment (2.4%), debt issues^Note  (2.4%), housing issues^Note  (2.4%), problems with a large purchase or service^Note  (1.8%) and family or relationship breakdown^Note  (1.5%).

It was less common for Chinese people to report that they had experienced serious problems or disputes compared to those from other racialized populations (16% versus 21%). Similarly, discrimination perceived as a serious problem was experienced by a higher proportion of those from other racialized populations (5.4% versus 3.4% of those who are Chinese). When it came to the types of serious problems experienced, there were no significant differences between Chinese people and those from the non-racialized population.

The large majority (84%^E) of Chinese people took action for the most serious problem or dispute they experienced, and this was similar among other racialized populations (86%) and the non-racialized population (88%).^Note  Most often, actions taken by Chinese people involved searching the internet (66%^E), obtaining advice from friends or relatives (59%^E), contacting the other party involved in the dispute (48%^E), contacting a legal professional (35%^E) and contacting a government department or agency (20%^E).^Note 

Nearly half of Chinese people who experienced serious legal problems said their problems became worse during the COVID-19 pandemic

The CLPS included questions specific to the impacts of the pandemic. Of those who experienced serious legal problems or disputes over the preceding three years, four in ten (39%^E) Chinese people said their serious problems happened after the pandemic began (i.e., after March 16, 2020).^Note  This proportion was the same among those from other racialized populations and the non-racialized population (both 39%). Respondents were also asked if the serious problems they experienced became worse during the pandemic. This was the case for nearly half (46%^E) of Chinese people, similar to other population groups (44% of other racialized populations and 42% of the non-racialized population).

Chinese people most commonly experience health or social impacts as a result of serious legal problems

The CLPS asked those who had experienced serious legal problems or disputes about the resulting impacts on their lives.^Note  Of those who had such experiences, Chinese people most commonly dealt with health or social impacts (68%^E) (Chart 4). More specifically, just over half (52%^E) experienced extreme stress following a serious problem, while around four in ten experienced mental health problems (41%^E) and social, family or personal issues (37%^E).^Note  Just over one in five (22%^E) experienced physical health problems.

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Experiencing health or social impacts following serious problems or disputes was less common for Chinese people (68%^E) than those from other racialized populations (85%) and the non-racialized population (83%) (Chart 4). In terms of the types of health and social impacts, Chinese people reported experiencing extreme stress (52%^E) less often than other groups (70% of other racialized populations and 73% of the non-racialized population), while physical health problems were more common among the non-racialized population than those who are Chinese (34% versus 22%^E).^Note 

Nearly half (45%^E) of Chinese people dealt with financial impacts^Note  following their experience with a serious problem or dispute, a proportion that was not significantly different from those from other racialized populations and the non-racialized population. Compared to those who are Chinese (20%^E), socioeconomic impacts^Note  were more commonly experienced by other racialized populations (32%).

Summary

According to the 2019 General Social Survey (GSS) on Canadians’ Safety (Victimization), one in five (20%) people experienced discrimination or unfair treatment in their daily lives in the five years preceding the survey. This proportion was notably higher among Chinese people, with 29% of individuals experiencing discrimination. While similar to other racialized populations (29%), this was significantly higher than the non-racialized population (16%).

Compared to the 2014 GSS on Victimization, the proportion of Chinese people that experienced discrimination in 2019 nearly doubled (16% versus 29%). Increases were also noted among other racialized populations (21% in 2014 versus 29% in 2019) and the non-racialized population (12% versus 16%), although the rise was more pronounced among those who are Chinese. The challenging circumstances of the COVID-19 pandemic have affected certain population groups more than others. As such, the proportion of Chinese people that experienced discrimination, presented here, is likely an underestimation and not reflective of more recent experiences.

Most often, Chinese people who experienced discrimination in 2019 said that it was based on race or skin colour, ethnicity or culture, and language. Of those who experienced discrimination, the largest proportion of Chinese people said it took place in a store, bank or restaurant. This was followed by those who said they were discriminated against when at work or when applying for a job or promotion and when attending school or classes, while smaller proportions experienced discrimination when crossing the border into Canada and when dealing with the police or the courts. In contrast, work or when applying for a job or promotion was the most commonly reported situation in which discrimination occurred for other racialized populations and the non-racialized population.

The large majority of Chinese people reported a great deal of or some confidence in the police; however, this was lower than confidence among the non-racialized population. Chinese people less often said they thought the police do a good job for every measure of local police performance, when compared to other racialized populations and the non-racialized population. One-quarter of Chinese people came into contact with police in the 12 months preceding the GSS on Victimization. Of those who had contact with police, three-quarters perceived their experience as positive, a proportion that was significantly smaller than other groups.

According to the Canadian Legal Problems Survey, around one in six Chinese people experienced serious legal problems or disputes in the three years preceding the survey. Serious problems or disputes were less common for Chinese people than those from other racialized populations.

Detailed data tables

Table 1 Discrimination in the past five years, by selected characteristic, Chinese and other populations, Canada, 2019

Table 2 Discrimination in the past five years, by incident characteristic, Chinese and other populations, Canada, 2019

Table 3 Discrimination in the past five years, and confidence in the police and criminal courts, Chinese and other populations, Canada, 2014 and 2019

Table 4 Perceptions of local police performance, Chinese and other populations, Canada, 2019

Table 5 Perceptions of criminal courts, prisons and parole system, Chinese and other populations, Canada, 2019

Table 6 Confidence in institutions, Chinese and other populations, provinces, 2020

Table 7 Previous contact with police and Canadian criminal courts, Chinese and other populations, Canada, 2019

Table 8 Serious problems or disputes in the past three years, Chinese and other populations, provinces, 2021

Survey description

Canadian Legal Problems Survey

In 2021, Statistics Canada conducted the first cycle of the Canadian Legal Problems Survey (CLPS). The purpose of the CLPS is to identify the kinds of serious problems people face, how they attempt to resolve them, and how these experiences may impact their lives. The target population for the CLPS is the Canadian population aged 18 and older living in one of Canada’s ten provinces, with the exception of those residing in institutions or living on-reserve.

Data collection took place from February to August, inclusively. Responses were obtained by self-administered online questionnaire or by interviewer-administered telephone questionnaire. Respondents were able to respond in the official language of their choice.

The sample size for the ten provinces was 21,170 respondents. The response rate was 50.7%. Respondents in the sample were weighted so that their responses represent the non-institutionalized, off-reserve Canadian population aged 18 and older.

General Social Survey on Canadians’ Safety (Victimization)

In 2019, Statistics Canada conducted the General Social Survey (GSS) on Canadians’ Safety (Victimization) for the seventh time. Previous cycles were conducted in 1988, 1993, 1999, 2004, 2009 and 2014. The main objective of the GSS on Victimization is to better understand issues related to the safety and security of Canadians, including perceptions of crime and the justice system, experiences of intimate partner violence, and how safe people feel in their communities. The target population is persons aged 15 and older living in the provinces and territories, except for those living full-time in institutions.

Data collection took place between April 2019 and March 2020. Responses were obtained by computer-assisted telephone interviews (CATI), in-person interviews (in the territories only) and, for the first time, the GSS on Victimization offered a self-administered internet collection option to survey respondents in the provinces and in the territorial capitals. Respondents were able to respond in the official language of their choice.

The sample size for the GSS on Victimization was 22,412 respondents, with a response rate of 37.6%. Respondents in the sample were weighted so that their responses represent the non-institutionalized Canadian population aged 15 and older.

General Social Survey on Social Identity

In 2020, Statistics Canada conducted the General Social Survey (GSS) on Social Identity to provide an overall picture of Canadians’ identification, attachment, belonging and pride in their social and cultural environment. The key components of the survey include the following topics: social networks, civic participation and engagement, knowledge of Canadian history, appreciation of national symbols, shared values, confidence in institutions and trust in people. In addition, the survey also covers people’s experiences of discrimination before and during the COVID-19 pandemic. The target population is all non-institutionalized persons and non-residents of First Nations reserves aged 15 and older living in one of Canada’s ten provinces.

Data collection took place from August 2020 to February 2021, inclusively. Responses were obtained by self-administered online questionnaire or by interviewer-administered telephone questionnaire. Respondents were able to respond in the official language of their choice.

The sample size for the GSS on Social Identity was 34,044 respondents, with a response rate of 40.3%. Respondents in the sample were weighted so that their responses represent the non-institutionalized, off-reserve Canadian population aged 15 and older.

Data limitations

With any household survey, there are some data limitations. The results are based on a sample and are therefore subject to sampling errors. Somewhat different results might have been obtained if the entire population had been surveyed.

For the quality of estimates from the GSS on Victimization, the GSS on Social Identity and the CLPS, the lower and upper bounds of the confidence intervals are presented. Confidence intervals should be interpreted as follows: if the survey were repeated many times, then 95% of the time (or 19 times out of 20), the confidence interval would cover the true population value.

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